If someone suggested that we could understand the Black Lives Matter
struggle without some knowledge of the historical background of slavery,
lynchings, Jim Crow and so on, we would find it unconvincing, to put it mildly.
But many on the left seem to think that they can comment on the crisis in
Ukraine while being totally ignorant of that country’s history. I wish to
argue, on the contrary, that it is impossible to understand what is happening
in Ukraine today without some knowledge of its past, and to fill in some
essential features of that past.[1]
The Ukrainian nation
While human habitation in Ukraine dates
back tens of thousands of years, the first stable state was Kievan Rus,
established by the Scandinavian Varangians who settled in Kiev in the late
ninth century AD. The height of its prosperity occurred under Volodymyr the
Great (980–1015 AD), who converted to Byzantine Christianity, and his son
Iaroslav the Wise; but Kievan Rus was destroyed by the invasion of Genghis
Khan’s Golden Hordes in the thirteenth century, and was subsequently fought
over, divided and dominated by Lithuania, Poland, Austria and Russia, until
most of it was colonised by Russia (then called Muscovy) in 1654. Nonetheless
there was a revival of Ukrainian culture in the nineteenth century, in the
latter part of which both nationalist and socialist parties grew as Ukraine was
integrated more closely into the Tsarist empire as a provider of wheat and raw
materials such as coal and iron, and as a market for Russian manufactured goods.[2]
This was a typical colonial relationship;
as Lenin observed in 1914 at a talk in Zurich: ‘What Ireland was for England,
Ukraine has become for Russia: exploited in the extreme, and getting nothing in
return. Thus the interests of the world proletariat in general and the Russian
proletariat in particular require that the Ukraine regains its state
independence, since only this will permit the development of the cultural level
that the proletariat needs’.[3] Crimean Tatars were the
most numerous indigenous ethnic group in Crimea when it was annexed by the
Russian empire in 1783 during the reign of Catherine the Great, who proceeded
to settle it with Russian colonisers and, according to Raphael Lemkin, who
coined the term ‘genocide’, to drown 10,000 Crimean Tatars.[4]
Thus, Ukraine’s origins as a state predates
the founding of the Grand Principality of Moscow (predecessor of the Tsarist
Empire) in 1263. It is therefore entirely understandable that it would have a
national liberation movement, which succeeded briefly in establishing Ukraine
as an independent Soviet Socialist republic from 1920 to 1922. The Crimean
Tatars were also granted special status under Lenin.
All that changed when Ukraine was
recolonised by Stalin in a process described as ‘the classic example of Soviet
genocide’ by Lemkin, who outlined the process in chilling detail. First the
intelligentsia was destroyed by deporting, jailing or killing teachers,
writers, artists, thinkers and political leaders; at the same time, the
Ukrainian churches were destroyed with hundreds of priests and lay-people
killed and thousands sent off to forced labour camps, deliberately separating
families and sending children to Russian homes to be ‘educated’. Finally, in
1932–1933, as Stalin escalated his repression in Russia itself, around
5,000,000 Ukrainian peasants – men, women and children – were starved to death.
Lemkin shows that this was not the result of forced collectivisation,
which had left ample crops to feed the people and livestock, but the outcome of
a deliberate policy to engineer a famine. The dead and deported Ukrainians were
replaced by non-Ukrainians, altering the ethnic composition of the country and
comprising the fourth step in the systematic destruction of the Ukrainian
nation. In 1944 the Crimean Tatars, who were also described by Lemkin as being
subjected to genocide, were deported en masse by Stalin, a crime against
humanity in which almost half of the population perished.[5]
Russia was not the only country to occupy
Ukraine in the 20th century; the Nazis, with their own genocidal
agenda, also occupied it. Timothy Snyder argues that Nazi policies, which
referred to Ukrainians as Afrikaner or as Neger – including the
Hunger Plan to starve millions of people in the winter of 1941, the Generalplan
Ost to forcibly transport or kill millions more thereafter, and the ‘final
solution’ to exterminate the Jews – were centred on Ukraine; consequently some
3.5 million civilian inhabitants of Ukraine – of which an estimated 1.5 million
were Jews – were killed by the Nazis in addition to roughly another 3 million
inhabitants of Ukraine who died as soldiers fighting against the Nazis or
indirectly as a consequence of the war. Russian historians have calculated that
more inhabitants of Soviet Ukraine died in WWII than inhabitants of Soviet
Russia; more Ukrainians died fighting against the Nazis than French, British
and Americans put together.[6] At the end of the war,
Ukrainians were subjected once more to Stalin’s rule.
Almost miraculously, the Ukrainian sense
of national identity survived this horrendous history, and in the referendum of
1991, 84% of the population participated and more than 92% voted for
independence from the Soviet Union. When the votes are disaggregated by region,
it is notable that every region had a majority in favour; the lowest majority
(54%) was in Crimea, but in each of the majority-Russian-speaking Oblasts of
Donetsk and Luhansk, over 83% voted in favour.[7] This was partly because
citizenship was defined not ethnically but inclusively, and although the
constitution adopted in 1996 proclaimed that the state language would be
Ukrainian, it also promised that ‘the free
development, use and protection of Russian, and other languages of national minorities of Ukraine, is guaranteed’;
again, that ‘The State promotes the consolidation and development of the
Ukrainian nation, its historical
consciousness, traditions and culture, and also the development of the ethnic, cultural, linguistic and religious identity of all
indigenous peoples and national minorities of Ukraine.’[8] The
positive outcome of the referendum cannot be attributed to interference by the
US, because President George H.W. Bush was strongly opposed to independence for
Ukraine (see below).
This history puts Soviet-controlled
Ukraine firmly in the category of colonies, and in fact one which has suffered
more than many others. Most of us refer to colonies and former colonies of
Western imperial powers in Asia, Africa and Latin America as the ‘Third World’
or ‘Global South’, sharply distinguished from the imperial powers that
exploited and oppressed them, yet we are guilty of lumping together the
imperial power with its colonies and former colonies in the Soviet Union. From
this perspective, the disintegration of the Soviet Union can be seen as an
ongoing process of decolonisation, and Ukraine’s struggle for independence as
being necessary, as Lenin said, to permit the development of the cultural level
that the proletariat needs.
The Russian Empire
The Grand Principality of Moscow gradually
absorbed other principalities, including the Kievan one, until in 1503 Ivan III
took on the title of tsar and declared himself ‘Ruler of all Rus.’ The Tsarist
Empire was an absolute monarchy, which was overthrown in 1917 by the Russian
Revolution. Among the enormous challenges facing the revolution was the
question of what to do with the colonies of Tsarist Russia. There was a debate
on this issue between V.I. Lenin and Rosa Luxemburg, with Lenin upholding the
right of all colonial peoples to self-determination but conceding Luxemburg’s
point that this should not result in handing over power to regressive,
authoritarian regimes. Lenin did not come to this position alone, but by
listening to comrades from the colonies. During 1920 and 1921, Ukraine,
Georgia, Byelorussia, Azerbaijan and Armenia were treated as independent
republics.
In one of the articles that came to be
called ‘Lenin’s Last Testament,’ Lenin expressed anguish that one of Stalin’s
close associates had hit a Georgian Communist who disagreed with his plans to
terminate Georgia’s independent status, and continued,
It
is quite natural that in such circumstances the ‘freedom to secede from the
union’ by which we justify ourselves [against Western imperialist powers] will
be a mere scrap of paper, unable to defend the non-Russians from the onslaught
of that really Russian man, the Great-Russian chauvinist, in substance a rascal
and a tyrant.
[…]
I think that Stalin’s haste and his infatuation with pure administration, together
with his spite against the notorious ‘nationalist-socialism’, played a fatal
role here. In politics spite generally plays the basest of roles…
Here
we have an important question of principle: how is internationalism
to
be understood?
In
my writings on the national question I have already said that an abstract presentation
of the question of nationalism in general is of no use at all. A distinction
must necessarily be made between the nationalism of an oppressor nation and
that of an oppressed nation, the nationalism of a big nation and that of a
small nation. In respect of the second kind of nationalism we, nationals of a
big nation, have nearly always been guilty, in historic practice, of an
infinite number of cases of violence; furthermore, we commit violence and
insult an infinite number of times without noticing it. [He goes on to quote
the racist epithets by which Ukrainians, Georgians and non-Russians in general
are insulted.] …
I
think that in the present instance, as far as the Georgian nation is concerned,
we have a typical case in which a genuinely proletarian attitude makes profound
caution, thoughtfulness and a readiness to compromise a matter of necessity for
us. The Georgian [Stalin] who is neglectful of this aspect of the question, or
who carelessly flings about accusations of ‘nationalist-socialism’ (whereas he
himself is a real and true ‘nationalist-socialist’, and even a vulgar Great-Russian
bully), violates, in substance, the interests of proletarian class solidarity,
for nothing holds up the development and strengthening of proletarian class
solidarity so much as national injustice… [9]
Lenin made mistakes in theory and practice
that we can debate, but his anti-racism, anti-imperialism and identification of
Great-Russian chauvinism as the Russian version of White supremacism set an
example for all socialist internationalists to follow. However, he died soon
after making these remarks, and Stalin went ahead with reducing the Tsarist
ex-colonies back to the status of colonies. In Russia itself, his
counter-revolution erased all the gains of the revolution except for the
transition to state capitalism. Stalin exterminated communists as ruthlessly as
Hitler, and converted the Communist International into an arm of the Russian
state capitalist empire. His totalitarian state ruling Russia and its colonies
was distinguished not only by its extreme brutality but also by a systematic
war on the truth, analogous to the Nazi use of the big lie repeated over and
over again. His propaganda machine was responsible for literally rewriting
history to propagate falsehoods, and for cropping and airbrushing photographs
to eliminate his victims from them as they themselves were liquidated. These
fabricated stories and images were then internationalised by means of the vast
propaganda apparatus of the Comintern. Vicious censorship made it impossible to
find alternative accounts or challenge the falsification without risking death.
Stalin’s collaboration with Hitler from August 23, 1939 to June 22, 1941 (the archetypal
red-brown alliance) was possible only because the politics of the two men were
so similar.[10]
When Mikhail Gorbachev became General
Secretary of the Communist Party in 1985, a movement of disgust against the
prevailing culture of corruption, lies and assaults on the dignity of the
individual was already underway, and he plugged into this:
‘A
new moral atmosphere is taking shape in the country,’ Gorbachev told the
Central Committee at the January 1987 meeting where he declared glasnost –
openness – and democratization to be the foundation of his perestroika, or
restructuring, of Soviet society. … Later, recalling his feeling that ‘we
couldn’t go on like that any longer, and we had to change life radically, break
away from the past malpractices,’ he called it his ‘moral position.’ […]
Democratization,
Gorbachev declared, was ‘not a slogan but the essence of perestroika.’ […] That
reforms gave rise to a revolution by 1989 [the fall of the Berlin wall] was due
largely to another ‘idealistic’ cause: Gorbachev’s deep and personal aversion
to violence and, hence, his stubborn refusal to resort to mass coercion when
the scale and depth of change began to outstrip his original intent. To deploy
Stalinist repression even to ‘preserve the system’ would have been a betrayal
of his deepest convictions.[11]
Gorbachev’s plans for a new treaty that
would create a truly voluntary federation – a vision close to what Lenin was
working towards – were thwarted by a coup against him by Stalinist hardliners
in August 1991; the coup was met with public outrage and defeated, but Gorbachev
was sidelined and Ukraine, among other Soviet Republics, voted for independence,
leading to the disintegration of the USSR. While the economic plunder and
corruption which followed were disastrous, it should not be forgotten that in
his own way, Gorbachev initiated a democratic anti-imperialist revolution.
This is what Vladimir Putin, from the time
he first came to power in 2000, has been trying to reverse ever since. His
agenda has two main goals: (1) to crush all expressions of democracy in Russia
and inaugurate or support authoritarian regimes in the rest of the world; and
(2) to rebuild the Russian empire. Investigators of the Moscow apartment
bombings of September 1999 (which unleashed an Islamophobic ‘war on terror’
against Chechnya and swept Putin to power), journalists, human rights defenders
and whistle-blowers against corruption were murdered. In 2011-2013, huge
protests against rigged elections that brought Putin and his United Russia
party to power, and demanding free and fair elections and freedom for political
prisoners, were met not only with arrests and police violence but also with
mobilisation of far-right counter-protests. Opposition leader Alexei Navalny
(who more recently narrowly survived being poisoned and was subsequently
imprisoned) was jailed. Opposition leader Boris Nemtsov was shot dead yards
from the Kremlin after writing an op-ed about the Russian incursion into
Ukraine, published in September 2014 in Russian and Ukrainian, in which he
said, among other things,
This is not our
war, this is not your war, this is not the war of 20-year-old paratroopers sent
out there. This is Vladimir Putin’s war… Through his bloody actions, though he
is fomenting a fratricidal war, one can see his main goal – preservation of
personal power and money at any cost…
Despite
censorship, little by little the society started to understand that those in
power are greedy and amoral people whose main goal is personal enrichment.
Ukraine
became an example of an anti-criminal revolution, which overthrew a thieving
president. Oh, so you dared to get out onto the street and throw off a
president? Ukraine needs to be punished for it to make sure that no Russian
would get these thoughts.
Moreover,
Ukraine chose the European way, which implies the rule of law, democracy and
change of power. Ukraine’s success on this way is a direct threat to Putin’s
power because he chose the opposite course – a lifetime in power, filled with
arbitrariness and corruption.[12]
Historian and opposition
politician Vladimir Ryzhkov outlines the anti-Muslim racism that accompanied
Russian annexation of Crimea, an issue that has been widely ignored:
The Crimean Tatars are the ancient, native inhabitants of Crimea… In
1944, Stalin ordered that all 191,000 of them, all 47,000 families, be exiled
to Central Asia. In 1954, Khrushchev transferred Crimea from the Russian to the
Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, but in March of this year Putin returned
Crimea to Russia…
Along with Crimea
came the Tatars, who were surprised to find that they were part of Russia (once
more). They had begun to return to their homeland in droves under Gorbachev in
the late 1980s, and by 2001 the Ukrainian census recorded 245,000 Crimean
Tatars living on the peninsula. They now number some 300,000 and make up around
13% of Crimea’s population…
The hostility of most Crimean Tatars towards the idea of union with
Russia caused a serious
conflict with the pro-Moscow authorities. The Tatars’ leaders,
Mustafa Dzhemilev and Refat Chubarov, current head of the Mejlis, have been
barred from entering their homeland for five years and are now living in Kiev
against their will… On 18 May, the 70th anniversary of the deportation of the
Crimean Tatars, a day when many thousands of people usually assemble in the
centre of Simferopol to remember and mourn, the Crimean authorities banned the
gathering… The ban was an insult to the Tatar people, for whom the deportation
remains the most terrible tragedy in their history.
Mosques, schools (madrasas), community centres, firms and private
homes belonging to Tatars have been searched and raided by the Ministry of
Internal Affairs (“anti-extremism” special branch), prosecutors and the Special
Purpose Police, as well as so-called “self-defence forces”. The Crimean Tatars’
only independent television station, ATR, has come under heavy pressure and
many activists, journalists and bloggers have been forced to leave Crimea.
All these violations are set out in a report
written by Nils Muižnieks, the Council of Europe’s Commissioner for
Human Rights, who himself visited Crimea. He pays particular attention to the
killing, abduction and disappearance of people in Crimea.[13]
The important
point being made by Nemtsov and Ryzhkov is that the 2014 annexation of Crimea
and war on Eastern Ukraine was an assault on democracy. And Putin has
extended this assault well beyond Russia by sponsoring extreme right-wing
authoritarian groups and parties around the world, and is in turn admired by
them. Such parties from Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Hungary, Italy, Poland,
Serbia and Spain have a symbiotic relationship with his regime, and neo-Nazis
from Germany, Greece, Britain and Norway have praised him. White supremacists
from the US have close ties with their counterparts in Russia, and former KKK
Grand Wizard David Duke has travelled to Russia several times to promote his
antisemitic book, Jewish Supremacism.[14]
The Russian paramilitary Wagner Group, whose brutal neo-Nazi Rusich unit was active
in Donbas, has fought for Bashar al-Assad in Syria and Khalifa Hiftar in Libya,
both guilty of crimes against humanity, and has been associated with mass
murder and military coups in the Central African Republic, Mali and Burkina
Faso.[15]
With this
assault on democracy has come an assault on the truth, magnified since Stalin’s
time by new technology and social media. This was on full display in Putin’s
speech on February 21, 2022, in which he claimed that the Ukrainian state had
been created by Lenin and the Bolsheviks ‘by separating, severing, what is
historically Russian land.’ He fully supported Stalin’s counter-revolution,
deploring only his failure to delete the reference to ‘self-determination’ from
the constitution. According to him, there was a coup by radical nationalists
supported by the U.S. in 2014; there was a policy to root out the Russian
language and culture; Donbas communities daily come under military attack as
Ukraine continues ‘its transition towards the Neanderthal
and aggressive nationalism and neo-Nazism which have been elevated
in Ukraine to the rank of national policy’; the eastward
expansion of NATO is a threat to Russia’s security; and NATO should undertake
not to induct any more countries in the east and in fact roll back its borders
to where they were in 1997, failing which Russia would act to ensure its
security.[16]
It is true that
Ukraine has a history of antisemitism and collaboration with the Nazis, as have
most countries in Europe, including Russia. It is also true that during the Euromaidan
movement the neo-Nazi Azov brigade played a disproportionately large role in responding
to the violent crackdown by the Yanukovych regime. Undoubtedly these facts are
a cause for concern. But they have to be considered along with other facts:
that far-right parties in Ukraine have consistently polled pathetically small
numbers of votes, that Volodymyr Zelensky, a Russian-speaking Jew, won the last
presidential elections with a landslide majority, and that the neo-Nazi and
antisemitic forces on the Russian and separatist side, which engage in antisemitic
smears against Zelensky, are incomparably stronger.[17]
Zelensky himself, in an address to Russian citizens, tried to combat the
disinformation, asking ‘how can a people support Nazis [when they] gave more
than 8 million lives for the victory over Nazism? How can I be a Nazi? Tell my
grandpa, who went through the whole war in the infantry of the Soviet Army…
You’ve been told I’m going to bomb Donbass. Bomb what? The Donetsk stadium
where the locals and I cheered for our team at Euro 2012? The bar where we
drank when they lost? Luhansk, where my best friend’s mom lives?’[18]
In fact, Putin himself has made it
very clear that NATO’s eastward expansion and Russian security are simply red
herrings to distract from his real goal. At a press conference, ‘he quoted
Soviet-era punk-rock lyrics about rape and necrophilia to
demonstrate what Russia wants from Ukraine… “Whether you like it or don’t like
it, bear with it, my beauty,” Putin said. Russia experts noted that Putin appeared to be quoting from “Sleeping
Beauty in a Coffin" by the Soviet-era punk rock group Red Mold.
“Sleeping beauty in a coffin, I crept up and fucked her. Like it, or dislike
it, sleep my beauty,” the English translation of the Russian lyrics reads.’[19]
By invading and heading straight for Kyiv, he has confirmed that raping a dead Ukraine
is his objective.
Jason Stanley explains that
Putin’s grotesque claim to be ‘de-Nazifying’ Ukraine by toppling a Jewish
President whose family fought against the Nazis rests on the Holocaust-denying
neo-fascist myth that the ‘real’ victims of the Nazis were not the Jews but
Russian Christians.[20]
Putin is a living embodiment of the Stalin-Hitler Pact: the ex-KGB agent who
has absorbed the fascist nostalgia for absolute power, imperial glory, and
blood-and-soil nationalism. Lenin’s words from a century ago about the ‘vulgar
Great-Russian bully’ who ‘carelessly flings about accusations of “nationalist-socialism”
[today’s neo-Nazism] whereas he himself is a real and true “nationalist-socialist”
sound weirdly apposite today.
The culpability of Western
imperialist powers
In general, Western imperialist
attacks on democracy in the name of democracy have helped to spread scepticism
about democratic values. Most recently, the 2001 war on Afghanistan and 2003
war on Iraq violated and undermined international law. Perhaps as damagingly,
given that the Taliban had virtually nothing to do with 9/11 and Saddam Hussein
had no weapons of mass destruction, they destroyed the credibility of Western
media, creating an environment in which even well-researched and reliable
reports could be dismissed as ‘fake’.
Coming to the more
specific failures connected to this war, I mentioned earlier that George H.W.
Bush had opposed Ukrainian independence in 1991.[21] One anxiety, among others,
was that the new nation became the world’s third-largest nuclear power after
the US and Russia. Negotiations to persuade Ukraine to give up its nuclear
weapons, while also giving it security assurances that it would not suffer
attacks if it did so, resulted in Ukraine signing the Non-Proliferation Treaty
as a non-nuclear power while on 5 December 1994 the USA, the Russian Federation
and the UK signed the Memorandum on Security Assurances in connection with
Ukraine’s accession to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons
aka the Budapest Memorandum. Among other things, the signatories undertook to ‘respect
the Independence and Sovereignty and the existing borders of Ukraine’ and to ‘refrain
from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political
independence of Ukraine’. This agreement was torn up by Putin when he annexed
Crimea and made incursions into the Donbas in 2014, but have the other
signatories made real efforts to hold him to it?
Instead of holding Putin
to the Budapest Memorandum, there were the two Minsk Agreements signed by
Russia, Ukraine, France and Germany. Hastily drafted in order to establish a
ceasefire while Russian forces were ranged against a much weaker Ukrainian
military, the Minsk Agreements of September 2014 and February 2015, which sought
to end Russia’s war in eastern Ukraine, rest on two irreconcilable
interpretations of Ukraine’s sovereignty:
· Ukraine
sees the agreements as instruments with which to re-establish its sovereignty
in line with the following sequence: a ceasefire; a Russian withdrawal from
eastern Ukraine; return of the Russia/Ukraine border to Ukrainian control; free
and fair elections in the Donbas region; and a limited devolution of power to
Russia’s proxy regimes, which would be reintegrated and resubordinated to the
authorities in Kyiv. Ukraine would be able to make its own domestic and foreign
policy choices.
· Russia
sees the Minsk agreements as tools with which to break Ukraine’s sovereignty.
Its interpretation reverses key elements in the sequence of actions: elections
in occupied Donbas would take place before Ukraine had reclaimed control of the
border; this would be followed by comprehensive autonomy for Russia’s proxy
regimes, crippling the central authorities in Kyiv. Ukraine would be unable to
govern itself effectively or orient itself towards the West.
· These contradictory provisions
are testimony to a stunning failure of Russian foreign policy. In 2014 Russia
launched a campaign of violent subversion to compel Ukraine to ‘federalize’ its
political system. Belying Russian expectations, Ukrainians fought back en
masse, forcing Russia to resort to increasingly open military intervention.
Russia inflicted crushing defeats on Ukrainian forces, yet was unwilling to pay
the price that further high-intensity war would have exacted.[22]
The pretext given by
Putin for the 2014 invasion of Ukraine was exactly the same as the pretext
given by Hitler for the annexation of Sudetenland in Czechoslovakia – protecting
speakers of Russian and German respectively and uniting them with their
homeland – and it is interesting that some of the same arguments, like the
‘right to self-determination’ of these enclaves, were used in both cases.
Instead of opposing this blatant aggression, British Premier Neville
Chamberlain and French Premier Édouard Daladier negotiated with Hitler, and on September
30, 1938 signed the Munich Agreement, drafted by the Nazis and presented by
Italian dictator Benito Mussolini, in the hope of avoiding war.[23] As we know, the outcome
was World War II. Since then, the Munich Agreement has become a byword for the
futility of appeasing expansionist totalitarian regimes. The Minsk Agreements
were not quite so bad, because at least the victims of aggression were allowed
to participate in the negotiations and there were weak sanctions against the
aggressor, which probably prevented Putin from launching an all-out war until
he had sanction-proofed Russia; and then, even as the Western powers were
talking about the Minsk Agreement, he tore it up by recognising Donetsk and
Luhansk as independent states. But while Putin prepared for war, it was
business as usual for the Western imperialist powers.
Just a few examples illustrate
this criminal negligence. On September 30, 2015 Putin started bombing Syria in
support of his genocidal protégé Bashar al-Assad, targeting hospitals, schools,
markets, residential neighbourhoods and mosques, with massive civilian
casualties including small children. Yet the Obama administration negotiated
with Putin and on September 10, 2016 signed a ceasefire deal that was
unanimously condemned by secular, democratic Syrian activists, treating the
perpetrator of crimes against humanity as a partner in the ‘war on terror’.[24]
It is not surprising that the Syrian Civil Defence or White Helmets – who had
experience of the Russians using helpless Syrian children, women and men to
test their fearsome new weapons – were among the earliest to offer solidarity
with the beleaguered Ukrainians.[25]
Then, it is almost beyond belief that instead of diversifying their sources of
energy, the EU allowed construction of the Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline to go
ahead despite it being so clear that its purpose was to starve the Ukrainians
into submission. Thirdly, investigations have established that Russia provided
at least social media support and probably also money to the Brexit campaign in
the belief that it would weaken the EU, demonstrating the cosy relationship
between Putin and this section of UK politics.[26]
Had the measures now being belatedly
implemented been discussed when Ukraine was first invaded in 2014, had they
been implemented when Putin started bombing civilians in Syria in 2015, there
is a good chance that this war could have been prevented.
What can be done now?
It is too late to prevent the
war, but how can it be ended as soon as possible?
There is no harm in talks, but it
should be understood that negotiations with Putin are about as useful as
negotiations with Hitler turned out to be. They will not stop the war. The only
people who can really end it are the people of Ukraine and Russia, and they
should be given all the assistance they need. The Ukrainians need humanitarian
and military aid to defend themselves as well as help to repel cyberattacks and
convey what is happening to the rest of the world. The measures being taken now
should certainly continue and in some cases be stepped up until Putin vacates
the whole of Ukraine, including Crimea: appeasement has been shown not to work.
Refugees need to be cared for, and solidarity demonstrations with Ukraine
should continue.
Some way of communicating with
the Russian public, bypassing the censorship, should also be found. Solidarity
with the incredibly courageous anti-imperialist, anti-war activists risking
arrest and jail to speak out and demonstrate against the Russian invasion in locations
throughout Russia should be conveyed to them. There are probably many more
opponents of the war who are too afraid to come out openly. It appears from
some reports that the Russian soldiers invading Ukraine have been told, as American
soldiers were told when they invaded Iraq, that the locals would welcome them
as liberators, and are shocked to find out the real situation. Ukrainians have
two big advantages over the Iraqis: (1) a democratically elected government and
(2) the ability to speak the same language as the invaders, and some of them
have been appealing to Russian soldiers. But these young soldiers, and their
parents, should know that they are being sent to kill and die for Putin’s
imperial delusions before they leave Russia; they should get accurate
information about what is happening in Ukraine, and this is something that
people outside Ukraine can help with – a kind of modern samizdat. As
Nemtsov said before being murdered, this is not their war, this is Putin’s war,
and the more Russians who see that, the sooner the war will end.
What about NATO and security
guarantees for Russia? Shortly before the invasion, Putin recognised the regime
of Lukashenka, who couldn’t even win a rigged election in Belarus, and sent in
troops to crush a popular uprising against the fiercely repressive regime in
Kazakhstan. These are the kind of neighbours he wants – dictators whom he can
dominate – and in his mind, NATO is the main obstacle to realising this dream. The
dreadful irony of the present situation is that NATO membership is probably the
only thing that stands between, say, the Baltic states and a similar invasion, and
it is very likely that if Ukraine had been a NATO member, it would not have
been suffering in this way. Look at the countries that have been chopped up by
Putin: Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova – all non-NATO countries. There is also
evidence that he is helping genocidal Bosnian Serb nationalists, so generously
given almost half the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina by the Dayton Accords
after the genocide of Bosnian Muslims (another betrayal by the Western
imperialist powers), to split up their non-NATO country.[27]
So, winding up NATO is a worthy goal, but it will have to wait until Putin
stops acting as its recruiting agent. In the meantime, progress towards global
nuclear disarmament and moving weapons delivery systems back from both sides of
Russia’s borders with its neighbours will help to guarantee Russia’s security
as well as theirs. The UN too needs to be reformed to be able to achieve its
goal of eliminating the scourge of war, and the first requirement is removing
the veto powers of the permanent members of its Security Council. Socialist
internationalism in this crisis means supporting the right of the Ukrainian
people to self-determination as a multi-ethnic democracy.
(This article was posted in New
Politics on 2 March 2022 and is available here: https://newpol.org/the-historical-background-to-putins-invasion-of-ukraine/
)
Notes
[1] I have drawn on parts of my book Indefensible: Democracy,
Counter-Revolution and the Rhetoric of Anti-Imperialism (New York:
Haymarket Books, 2018, temporarily selling at a highly subsidised price), in
order to write this article more quickly, given that the current situation is
so dire. The book has much more on Russia, Ukraine, Syria and Bosnia as well as
Iran and Iraq, and I think the events of February 2022 fully confirm the
arguments I put forward in it.
[2] Orest Subtelny, Ukraine: A History (Toronto:
University of Toronto Press) pp. 25; 32–41; 75–77; 134–35; 227–35;
268–69.
[10] See Hensman, Indefensible, p.63
[15] Candace Rondeau, Jonathan Deer and Ben Dalton,
‘Neo-Nazi Russian attack unit hints it’s going back into Ukraine undercover,’ The
Daily Beast, January 26, 2022 https://www.thedailybeast.com/wagners-rusich-neo-nazi-attack-unit-hints-its-going-back-into-ukraine-undercover ; Al-Monitor Staff, ‘Intel: EU sanctions suspected
head of Russia’s Wagner paramilitary group,’ Al-Monitor, October 15,
2020 https://www.al-monitor.com/originals/2020/10/eu-sanction-russia-wagner-yevgeniy-prigozhin.html ; Philip Obaji Jr, ‘Survivors say Russian mercenaries
slaughtered 70 civilians in gold mine massacre,’ The Daily Beast,
January 31, 2022 https://www.thedailybeast.com/wagner-group-accused-of-killing-70-at-mine-in-aigbado-central-african-republic ; Philip Obaji Jr, ‘African president was ousted just
weeks after refusing to pay Russian paramilitaries,’ The Daily Beast,
January 25, 2022 https://www.thedailybeast.com/burkina-faso-president-ousted-after-refusing-to-pay-wagner-mercenaries
[24] Hensman, Indefensible, pp.232–248.